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About The frontier. (O'Neill City, Holt County, Neb.) 1880-1965 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 11, 1894)
THIS IS FOR VOTERS. HYPOCRACY OF THE POPU LISTS SHOWN UP. Their Attempt to Hoodwink the People of Nebraska—A Legialatlve Record that la Open to ttroni Crltlclam— When and lljr Whom the I.ar ge State Debt Waa Incurred—No Evidence of Retrenchment Vlalble to the Naked life—Pacta and Flgurea for the Think* leg Voter. Tlmlr Rank lljpocracf. For the past two years a groat deal of spaeo in tho populist press has been devoted to wholesale denunciation of the republican party for thu alleged "extravagance" and "misconduct" of the republican officials in the state house, and tho "mismanagement" of state institutions under a republican administration, had saddled a state debt of nearly a million dollars on the voters of this com inon weal ill. f It has been repeatedly asserted and frequently reiterated that the polity of the republican party In Nebraska and the actions of its official representa tives at the capital was solely responsi ble for the indebtedness that hangs over tho state today, and a strenuous effort has been made to make this al leged condition of affairs a leading issue in the present campaign. With a loud boating of tom-toms and a persisting sounding of the an archistic how-gag, frenzied appeals have been made to the voter to rally round the standard of flntism, incendi arism and vagnrism, and "redeem Ne braska from the fearful blight of re publican misrule." Tho stump dis seminators of political quuckery hove been quick to take their cue from this bald mis statement of fact, and a sys tematic course of truth-distortion and misrepresentation hus been in augurated. Along this line, too, are being direct ed the efforts of divers political Mashi ltazouks, who, while seeking revenge on the republicans who for years have kept them at a safe distance from the public money drawer and as persist ently denied them the power they cov eted, are jointly watching an opportu nity to secure control or plunder the campaign caravan, while they prate of loyalty, honesty and the need of good government. They parade their bogus devotion to principle with as sublime u nerve and as contemptible hypocracy as ever characterized thatothur patriot for revenue only—ltencdict Arnold, whoso assumed sincerity in his advo cacy of honesty served only to cloak the seirel conferences with Major Andre, while contemplating tho assas sination of friends and the betrayal of country. It is nothing more nor less than a de liberate attempt to politically hood wink tho people of Nebraska.-In order , to enable populism to wipe off the slate nud sturt anew with a clean bill of health without having to fa.-e the dam ning record of inefficionov and inootn petcncy made in 1891, when it had an opportunity to exhibit itself and show the taxpayers what it could da Unfortunately for the populist party, it has an ineffaceable record in Ne braska, as well as in Knnsas, Colorado and Oregon, and so long as public docu ments are preserved so that he who runs may read, the state platform of poDU listn will not “point with pride” to tiiat yecord. True it is that Nebraska lias a state indebtedness of hundreds of thousands of dollars, but equally true is it that this indebtedness was saddled on the state by tho populist legislature of 1891. The facts aru plain, the record is offic ial and right here in the midst of a campaign of state issues is as good a time as any ffc>r the thinking voter to sit down and recall a little of the all wool-aud-yard-wide arithmetic of his youth. Let him ponder well these of ficial figures, and then decide with so ber sense and business judgment wheth er he is financially able to indulge in tV the questionable luxury of two years of “reform” administration of that typo. And that, too, without such a palliating circumstance as republicans In otlko to set the brakes when the g pace of reckless inexperience gets so hot that it threutens to land tho Bhip of state on the rocks. That the legislature of 1891 was clearly populist admits of no question. That party had 54 of tho 100 members of the house and 18 of tho 33 senntors, including the evanescent Taylor, who ran away during the fight over the maximum freight rate bill and whose form has never since that duy cast its shadow across Nebraska’s [prairies. The populists organized both houses, contoihng each with a good working majority, and In the language of thoso of their own party faith is written the offiictul story of their shame. Here are the figures that tell the tale: §s£i ism Total assessed value ot all property in Aoorasko. wA. General fund lovy In mills. mi Total fund Isvy In mills. lags z*m Total amount ot all taxes assesed in dollars. ys! 8 Is a: 5 • otal appropriation of legislature for ktcuniul periods. lif 4!S Amount of appropriation In excess of taxes levied. Each session of the legislature covers a'biennial period. The last republican legislature was in ItSJ, covering the years 18811 and 1890, while the first, last and it is to be hoped the only populist legislature the state ever will have, gras in session in 181)1, covering the years lS'.iI-OS. These two sessions of fer a splendid opportunity for a fair comparison, besides showing the resl facts relating to the sdbject of existing •tate indebtedness. With the natural constant increase i. |n the wealth of the slate, the populist legislature of 1891 found a greater as sessed valuation of property subject to its taxatiou than had ever before been the case. With such a condition of at , lehrs and an honest determination to economize, combined with the business ability to carry that determination into execution, the natural result would have been a reduction of the tax levy. Did that legislature five any evi dence of such retrenchment? Not to sn extent visible to the naked eye. There was neither retrenchment nor economy, but there was populist "re form" with a vengeance. Instead of reducing the tax levy, that legislature crowded it up to tho five mills for gen eral fund purposes, the maximum limit under tho constitution, thus combining the highest valuation in the history of t he state with the highest possible levy in mills. lie it remembered that this was ex clusive of the regular special taxes called for at that time by the legisla tion of former law-making bodies of the state, and which swelled the total levy to 85£ mills for 1891 and 0 03-100 mills for 1893. lie it understood, how ever, that these special taxes were not an unusual feature, as they provided for the following funds: University, sinking, school, state relief and insti tute for the feeble minded. Special taxes arc ordered in the bills creating certain of the state institutions, to pro vide for the maintenance or for dis charging the original indebtedness, and these taxes were practically the same In 1889 and 1891. The general fund levy represents the actual operating expenses of the state government, and the record shows that the republicans conducted it on a levy of from 4% to 4 8-9 mills, while the populists made it 5 mills, even with an increase of several millions in the as sessed valuation. The republican leg islature levied taxes on the state amounting to 83,303.138 and appropri ated ngainst that levy St’, 381.410, an ex cess of 818,334 over the taxes levied; while the populist legislature levied taxes amounting to 83,438,344, and then appropriated 83,880,575, spending 8438, 030 that there was obviously nothing in sight with which to pay. In other words, the populist legislature deliber ately spent nearly half a million dol lars that it did not have and could not get, thus transacting its business at the expense of the state's credit, and ne cessitating the issuance of warrants at 7 per cent, which are still drawing in terest at the taxpayers expense. Right on the face of things the state was being put in the whole to the tune of 8138,000, while in reality it was utmost twice as much us that. It is a mutter of general knowledge that 80 per cent covers the amount of taxes generally collected, but conceding that 85 per cent of the 1801 and 1803 levy was collectable, thus placing the popu lists in the most favorable light possi ble, even then they are proven guilty of placing an indebtedness of 8790,983 on the state. ThiB is the indebtedness that the popu list have been and still are charging up to republican "mismanagement" and “extravagance,” when the otllcial fig ures and records of the populist cleric of the house and populist secretary of the senate of 1891 show incontroverti bly that it was legislated upon the state by the populist ma jorities in those bodies. Had the republican legislature of 1S8J made the levy 5 mills as did the populists in 1891, their record would have shown a surplus of over $100,010 above the appropriations, as compared with an indeutedness of 8890,000 which is the record of the "reformers.” In other words, the little experiment of electing a populist 4egislature cost the taxpayers of Nebraska nearly a million dollars more than the republi can legislature would have cost. What wonder, then, is it that many a tax payer who is finding it difficult to pay his share of the expenses of operating the government has concluded that pop ulist control is altogether too high priced a luxury for this year ot hard times. The populist leaders realizo. this, and in desperation are seeking to befog the issues and misstate the facts. It is not strange that they should seek to disguise the truth, for it is not cal culated to help their campaign, llut their efforts to shirk the responsibility j will not succeed. They will be required I to givo a more satisfactory account of | their stewardship than lias yet been or j can bo done, before receiving further j trust or confidence. If they are dis honest in their representations of ac tual conditions existing today, how I much mode honest would they be if | they could secure official control of the ' state? | These facts and figures are submitted • to the thinking voter without passion | or prejudice. The purpose has been to naught extenuate nor set down aught in malice, but to set forth the simple truth with a view to correcting popu list misrepresentations and presenting the real history of the indebtedness that hangs over Nebraska today. Their Miialnesa Record. When a citizen of any congressional district is elected to congress and intro | duces bills which become of record, there is only one presumption, and that is, that he honestly believes in his measures and hopes to see them be come law. When the members of any political party, through caucus in congress, agree upon certain measures ana intro duce them as bills, the only presump tion Is that, speaking for tneir party, they hope to see the measures they in troduce become law. Never since the foundation of the republic has there been such an exhibition of attempted profligacy and ultimate disaster as the populist members of congress have given to the people through the meas ures introduced by them during the last two sessions. These bills of record propose to cure every public ill, imagi nary or real, and as a curative power they invoke the wholesale printing and distribution of unearned money. lion. James P. Pigott, democratic congressman from the state of Connecti cut, delivered a speech in congress that was printed in the Congressional Rec ord, on the 13th day of August, 1SU4. That speech, which so admirably illus trates the populistic idea of law mak ing, has never, since given to the public, ] been assailed by the populist press or I speakers as untrue or exaggerated. It | is simply a transcript from the records, j every word of which is verified by the j bills which the populist members of ; congress introduced, i bills introduced into congress by populists carrying with them appropri , ations as shown by the summary made | by Mr. Pigott are as follows: i By Mr. bavis of Kansas. H. R. 3,43#, a b.U for the United States government | to pay mortgage indebtedness by a 1 per cent loan direct from the govern : inent upon certificates and abstract of ■ title oi land. Legal tender to be printed and issued In whatever volume is required to make the' payment. Ten billion is this lump By Mr. Clover of Kansas H. R. 6334, providing for loans at two and one-half per cent interest to counties, munici palities and needy individuals. To pro vide money for these loans, treasury notes to be printed by the treasury-de partment. Mr. PelTer of Kansas, senate bill, 976 to establish a bureau of loans, legal tender to be issued to meet the demand. liy Mr. Kem of Neb, house bill 5458, to establish a system of government banking. To start this the estimate is that one and one fourth billions of dol lars would be required. Mr. Watson of Georgia in house bills 6660-10009-10405, proposes to manufac ture billions of dollars in paper to float both crops and mortgages. These bills cover his famous sub-treasury scheme, j The first bill asks for 950,000.000, the second bill for 9100.000,000, and the third for 9100,000,000 just as an intro duction. Mr. Hudson of Kansas ft. ft. 3186, proposes to settle pensions all in a lamp by paying ten times the annual amount at one. This would require over a billion and one-half of money to be printed at once. Rep. Davie of Kansas H. bill 4449 has another pension bill which would re quire $500,000,000 annually and he aaks legal tender to be issned in payment. Senators Allen’s bill, senate file 3134 is of like character. Senator's Fellers pension bill, senate file 358 requires to start the ball rolling $105,000,000 the first year. Mr. Davis of Kansas, house bill 6767, provides for the creating of an indus trial army of 500,000 men to be clothed, and paid the same as the regular army men. This would not cost less than one-half a billion of dollars and Mr. Davis, with as much confidence in the wheels of printing presses as the wheels in his head, proposes to issue 5300,000, 009 at once and $100,000,000 a year thereafter. Sentor Peffer, Senate bill 1300, has also a bill foor the relief 0 of the desti tute to furnish ready printed money to the people of the nation for this pur pose at the rate of one dollar for each ten inhabitants Mr. Boen of Minnesota, house bill 7,90S, aslcs for $100,000,000,000 in legal tender notes to buy railroads, improve rivers and build postoffices. Mr. Simpson of Kansas, house bill 4,412, proposes that the government purchase all of the gold and silver of fered and issue double the amount of coin in paper money in lieu thereof. Representative Davis, house bill 5,448, proposes to substitute tariff laws by issuing paper money sufficient to to meet the needs of government in stead of a tariff revenue. .Senator Kyle, senate bill 1,531, pro poses an unlimited issue of fractional currency. Mr. McKeigan, house bill 6,010, pro poses the same kind of legislation ex cept putting a limit upon the amount issued. Mr. lloen, of Minnesota, proposes to print money in sufficient volume to de stroy Salsoti-Kali-Tragus wherever found. Mr. Davis in house bill 7,896, Mr. linker in house bill 7,887, Senator Pef fer's senate bill 2279, all ask for appro priations for storing rain water for irrigation, asking the government printing offices to print money in various amounts to meet the expense. Mr. Hell in joint resolution 169 asks for a committee to devise means for the employment of the idle and proposes to issue legal tenders to pay for all such employment. Without duplicating the amounts carried in the bills introduced by pop ulists where their purposes are similar, Mr. Pigott, in his speech, makes a re capitulation which shows the appropri tions required and demanded in the bills. This recapitulation in total calls for $35,507,600,900. Commenting on this total Mr. Pigott says: “The total money of the world including paper, gold, silver, copper, brass and iron does not exceed $10,000,000,000, and it appears that the amount of money called for by these bills, which it must be presumed were honestly in troduced by populist members of con gress, is nearly five times the amount of currency of the world. What paper money would be worth under such cir cumstances any one of ordinary intelli gence knows." The best possible way to judge of the honesty of purpose and the ahility possessed for good government by a political party is through the represen tatives of such a party make when put in a position of responsibility. This is the record of the men the populists have sent to congress. It is not a record of de mands for the unlimited use of silver as money, but a record calling for an issue of fiat money so extravagant as to be beyond belief. Lunacy itself could go no further than the limit towards which Mr. Pigott has shown that popu listic ideas are running. The most rapid printing presses in the world could not keep in sight of the appro priations, if the government was turned over to them. To those who hear of populistic economy and are advised that it is a party of silver, the record above will be very much in evidence. Professor Jdhn Milne, one of the greatest living authorities on earth quakes, says it is not likely that they ever result from electrical disturb ances. Science tells us that the body of every human being weighing 150 pounds contains one pound of salt. Also that every one of us needs in a year about fifteen pounds of salt. The corpse or ghost plant, which grows in pine forests where the sun never penetrates, is of a ghostly white color, not a tinge of green ap pearing on stem, leaf or blossom. In the constellation of Orion there is a star, known as Theta Orionis, which, when viewed through a pow erful telescope, appears as a septuple star, thus presenting the magnificent panorama of seven suns revolving about .each other. It is to be sup posed that each of these suns is en circled by planets, and these again by moons. The photographers of the Paris ob servatory have just finished for the Academy of Sciences the clearest view ever secured of the moon. They have photographed her surface in sections, which fit, making a great image five feet in diameter. The work is so perfect that towns, forests and rivers would be perceptible. If they existed. ANOTHER’S BRAINS, HOW THE PRESIDENT COMPILES HIS SPEECHES. "Treason Like a Deadly might” De scends l'poll His Own Head—Tom Moore’s Poem Used to Slaughter the Democratic Leader*. [From Now York Sun, A ug. SO.] The usefulness of a good working li brary to a President of the United States was magnificently illustrated in the memorable days when the "American Cyclopaedia” furnished Mr. Cleveland with speech after speech for delivery to the mayors and citizens of southwestern towns. Mr. Cleveland is not regarded as a scholarly man. but his library methods arc still those of the patient toiler in the alcove. Having on hand during the past ten days the job of composing a 'etter to Mr. Catchings, and desiring to put to Catchings the infamy of treason in as strong and striking language as pov sible, the President goes to his book Where Is Democratic Harmony? shelves. He does not take down the Cyclopaedia as before, for he seldom consults that once familiar work now except under stress of absolute neces sity He reaches instead for his copy of John Bartlett’s “Familiar Quota tions ” Turning to "Treason” in the index, he finds first: “Treason can but peep, 112.” That will not answer. “Treason can but peep” Is too undignified for a semi-official executive communication. It suggests chickens. The next indi cation is this: “Corporations can not commit trea son, 24.” That is manifestly unavailable. It is too favorable to the trusts Next: “Treason doth never prosper, 30.” But it does prosper, and its pros perity is what Mr. Cleveland wants to complain of to Catcliings. So he turns to tlic next line: “Treason flourished over us, bloody, 111.” That might do, but a reference to page 114 shows Mr. Cleveland that bloody treason is mixed up with the fall of Great Cicsar, an unpleasant idea to contemplate. “Treason has done his worst, 121.” The same objection applies. Treas on has done his worst and Duncan is in his grave; malice domestic, foreign levy, nothing can touch him further. “If this be treason, make the most of it, 42a” The same trouble again in the quo tation from Patrick Henry’s speech in the convention: “Ccosar had his Brutus; Charles I. his Cromwell,” and so forth. But the seventh indication is a find. “Treason, like a deadly blight, 52<i” That’s the sort of treason he wants to impress on Catcliings’ mind. Going swiftly to page r.2U he scans with the satisfaction of a discoverer these lines from “Lalla Rookh:” “O tor a tongue to curse the slave Whose treason, like a deadly blight, Comes o'er the councils of the brave, And blasts them in their hour of might!” Just the thing for Catcliings. And so with patient, laborious care our President rounds out his period thus: "I take my place with the rank and fllo of the democratic party, who be lieve in tariff reform and know what it is who refuse to accept the results embodied in this bill as the end of the war, who are not blinded to the fact that the livery of democratic tariff re form lias been stolen and worn in the service of republican protection, and The Lumber man's Fix. who have marked the places where the deadly blight of treason has blasted the counsels of the brave in their hour of might.” It is true that the figures of speech are somewhat mixed, and that the patch line between Hon. Grover Cleveland s rhetoric and Tom Moore's is rather too obvious; but that doesn't matter much. It is a precious privi lege to get this glimpse of the actual workings of a massive mind in full and effective operation. i . . , . ■. , . - .Ax'- .'J ' ■ . That Three Per Cent Loan. The payments of interest due on the national debt have been increased during the eighteen months of the present democratic administration by 83,000,000 through the placing of a 5 per cent loan last winter. This loan, it will be remembered, was for $50, 000,000, but the premiums paid there on brought the total amount received by the government up to about $58, 000,000, which reduced the bonds to a 3 per cent basis. This extra premium amount was promptly spent by the democratic administration as a part of the proceeds of the loan, so that, as a consequence, the full charge of 5 per cent upon the loan must hereafter be made every year until the bonds are redeemed. So much for the 3 per cent loan. Democratic Financiering. The net ordinary expenses of the United States government were re duced under republican administra tions from 810.21 per capita of the population in 1868 down to 85.98 in ls93, a decrease of almost one-half. During the first year of the present democratic administration there was an increase of more than 35 per cent in expenses, from 85.38 in 1893 to 86.87 per capita in 1892. This hardly savors of the economy that was preached by the democrats during the campaign of 1893. Turning to the net ordinary re ceipts of the government, we find that they were 810.97 per capita in 1868 and were reduced to 85.43 per capita in 1292 under republican administration^ a decrease of more than 50 per cent But last year during only one year of a democratic administration, they had increased more than 35 per cent from 85.43 in 1892 to 86.91 per capita in 1893. During one year of threatened free trade, under a democratic administra tion, there has been an increase of 81.39 for every man, woman and child in the country in the net ordinary ex penses of the government, and an in crease of 82.48 per capita in the re ceipts collected from every individual. He Is Full of Apologies. He (President Cleveland) is full ol apologies for intruding on the delib erations of congress, reminds the pub lic of his own good intentions, and while he makes it perfectly clear that his own views have in no way changed since he returned to the white house, he seems to have very little hope that the party will be shamed into a consistent policy. There is nothing in his letter pledging him to veto a tariff bill in its present form, however mischievous to the country or inconsistent with party declarations it may be. This singular document is practically an address from the head of the demo i cratic party warning the majority of i the senate that they are deserting ! their pledges and bringing discredit on their political organization; but it leaves Mr. Cleveland as President at liberty to take in that capacity what ever course he may consider expedient should the bill ever be agreed on by both houses.—Morning Post, London. ‘Tariff Reform.' Help to Save Your Country. • It is the duty of every true Ameri can citizen to be interested iu the welfare of his country, and now, when times are hard, money scarce and the country going to wreck under the free trade mugwumps, every man should be up and doing what he can to save his country. This section is a farming country and the farmers feel that they have nothing to live for. Wages are low, lower than I have ever known them. Men are working for 815 and 818 per month who used to (ret 8’25 or 83& We never had such times before. Why? Because we had a government that would stand by its country. We had a party that would stand by both the man ufacturers and working people. It has been proven that a low tariff will not work in our country, but protec tion to all home industries and enter prises is noted in history as bringing the most prosperous times. That is what has built up our country, and if we stand by it, and vote for it, it will give us a nation that will stand at the head of the world. We are not living for any European countries, we are living for America. No working man in the United States wants to work for as low wages as the European. I would say to every voter that he must vote for the party that has built up our country, a party that has been tested and that has proved beneficial both to manufacturers and to A Working Man. Logan, Minn. Bit of Hark Twain’s Humor. Mark Twain was on a lecturing tour The town was a little outBide the borders of civilization; the chairman of the evening knew nothing about the lecturer, had never heard of him; it was in the earliest of Mark’s lect-' uring days “Ladiesand gentlemen,” said the chairman, “it is my duty to introduce to you the lecturer of the evening. Mark Twain. The only thing I know about him is that he has never been in our jail and I am bound at the same time to add that I don’t! know why he hasn't!" * i No Poitaf* Stamp* g,,^ In Mexico when the mail arri the postofltce the names o{ nZ!? whom letters are addressed are* onaslipofi.aperand postedoa, letin board: Merchants go evert ing to examine thisannouncem..? if they find their names on u hand their cards to the deliver* ! who hands them their mail. jL' age stamps are sold, but those hi letters to mail take them to the"*' master, who sticks the stamp 0J all public places men are found sm around provided with pen, i„iL paper, ready to conduct the eorr» dence of any one who has not tV ity to do so. The number of i scribes proves that their busineti paying one A genius is a man whd does that others say cannot be done. 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